La República Catalana



World Condemns Denialist Rajoy

tancAnti-democracy tank pays toll in Catalonia. Castilian Spain pays no tolls. Below: The Spanish Guardia Civil defuse a Catalan ballot box.

Canada: A democracy cannot survive just by imposing the law

Seen from Canada, it is really difficult to comprehend that Madrid seeks to prevent Catalans from speaking out on the issue. Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy invokes the Constitution which indeed declares “the indissoluble unity of the Spanish nation, the common and indivisible homeland of all Spaniards.” Any secessionist approach would be unconstitutional. However, democracy is not just imposing the law. “A system of government cannot survive only by imposing the law. A political system must also possess legitimacy, which requires interaction of the rule of law and the democratic principle” our Supreme Court noted in its opinion on the secession of Quebec. Madrid is counting on the courts to curb separatist Catalan aspirations. The strategy will probably have the opposite effect; their judgment of 2010 already fueled the independence flame. It took four decades for Spaniards to get out of the Franco dictatorship and make their country “a social and democratic state of law” (Article 1 of the Constitution). How can they now, in good conscience, deny one of the constituent nationalities of the State to express itself on its political status? By relying on this course rather than on negotiations, Mariano Rajoy‘s makes a ​​confession of weakness. Madrid knows that if one day the Catalan people speak clearly in favor of independence, the rest of Spain will not be able to ignore it. And despite what the Constitutional Court may say, sooner or later that day will come.

Portugal: Democracy lessons from Spain

The UK organizes a referendum, debates, suffers, to discuss Scottish independence. And what does Spain (or rather, Castile) do? Ban a referendum. There was never war for Scottish independence in recent centuries. In relation to Catalonia the list would be long -not to mention that Portugal became independent in 1640, mostly thanks to the Catalan revolt. Scotland speaks English; Catalonia, Catalan. Scotland had no independent Mediterranean empire, with territory extending from the Balearic Islands to Naples. Scotland had a dynasty (the Stuarts) who became kings of England. Nothing of this minimises the principle of independence for Scotland. And remember that Scotland was a full participant in the identity of the UK. Was Catalonia ever allowed? How many were political prisoners during Francoism for speaking Catalan? And Galician in Galicia, which virtually disappeared?. What does it show? What does it show the speed of the decision by the Constitutional Court, which in a matter of hours found the referendum unconstitutional?It shows the wonderful Spanish democratic tradition and the extraordinary respect for the differences of the constituent peoples. Just like in South America, they do the same in their own territory. With sword, fire and prohibitions the Spanish Inquisition continues to give lessons in democracy to the world.

California: Let Catalans vote

Ultimately, if the Catalans want independence, Spain should provide a path. The Scots were able to decide secession question for themselves, and Catalans should have the same chance. Until now, outsiders might have been tempted to compare Catalonia’s move with Scotland’s recent secession movement, in which voters rejected independence from Britain. But the two situations are strikingly different. The Catalans] centuries-long marriage with Spain, never a happy one, has been on the rocks for some time. Also, the British political system fully embraces the Scots, as demonstrated by the fact that Britain has had a few Scottish prime ministers in recent history. The last Catalan prime minister of Spain served for five weeks in 1873. But the main difference between the two situations is that the binding vote in Scotland had the blessing of the British government, but Madrid is vigorously fighting the proposed nonbinding referendum, calling it illegal. Add to that a general sense that most Spaniards, far from appreciating the Catalans for contributing more than their fair share, actually despise and ridicule them. Catalans feel humiliated and are furious, and show up in enormous numbers at demonstrations for independence. History has taught us that conflicts over nationalism can spin out of control. Successive Spanish governments have been unable to defuse the tension, having been in a bind for decades, if not centuries. Madrid’s intransigence, in the eyes of many Catalans, offers conclusive evidence that Spain is not a fully functioning democracy. The referendum in Scotland will be remembered as a great moment in European history. Not because the Scots decided against independence, but because the Scots decided for themselves, in democratic and transparent fashion. The Catalans — and the Western liberal democratic tradition — deserve no less.

Mexico: Anti-democratic Spain as always

The government headed by Mariano Rajoy yesterday fulfilled his threat to turn to the Constitutional Court against the consultation. With a speed that exposed its subordination to the Executive, the court admitted the appeal sent by La Moncloa against the laws passed by the Catalan Parliamen on which the exercise of democracy-t are based -the Consultation Act and the Catlana government decree to convene the plebiscite on the political future of the still autonomous community and ordered a waiting period of five months, which lays the foundation for an open confrontation between Madrid and Barcelona. Beyond the aforementioned Constitutional submission to the government of Rajoy, the decision closed any legal avenue for the development of Catalan sovereignty and leaves the case in a labyrinth constructed by Madrid politicians to thwart any prospect of Catalan secession. Unintentionally, no doubt, the Madrid government has highlighted the undemocratic nature of the current State and Spanish Constitution. What a contrast this intolerance and stubbornness with the exemplary citizenship provided a few days ago in Scotland, where the people could go to the polls to decide unhindered on independence or to remain in the UK. Also, La Moncloa exhibited its autocratic face, contrary to basic human rights, such as a people’s right to self-determination, and faces the repudiation by one of the most dynamic and solid nationalities of the Iberian peninsula. It is not a good outlook for the Spanish government. Worse still, the institutional relationship between Madrid and Barcelona has been placed in a blind alley in which everyone loses. Whether the Catalan government goes ahead with its decision to conduct the consultation in rebellion on November 9, or whether it desists for the time being to carry it out. The first scenario would lead to an open break between local and national power, and the second would be seen by all Catalans as an authoritarian imposition.

El món condemna el negacionista Rajoy

ballot boxLa Guàrdia Civil desactiva una urna catalana. Primera foto: Tanc antidemòcrata pagant peatge a Catalunya. A l’Espanya castellana no hi ha peatges.

Canadà: Una democràcia no sobreviu només imposant la llei

Vu du Canada toutefois, il est difficile de concevoir que Madrid cherche à empêcher les Catalans de s’exprimer sur la question. Le premier ministre, Mariano Rajoy, invoque la Constitution du pays. Celle-ci affirme en effet « l’unité indissoluble de la Nation espagnole, patrie commune et indivisible de tous les Espagnols. » Toute démarche sécessionniste serait donc inconstitutionnelle. Cependant, en démocratie, il n’y a pas que la règle de droit. « Un système de gouvernement ne peut survivre par le seul respect du droit. Un système politique doit aussi avoir une légitimité, ce qui exige une interaction de la primauté du droit et du principe démocratique », a rappelé notre Cour suprême dans son avis sur la sécession du Québec. Madrid compte donc sur les tribunaux pour freiner les aspirations autonomistes des Catalans. La stratégie aura probablement l’effet contraire; le jugement de 2010 a d’ailleurs alimenté la flamme indépendantiste. Il a fallu quatre décennies aux Espagnols pour s’extirper de la dictature franquiste et faire de leur pays « un État de droit social et démocratique » (article 1 de la Constitution). Comment peuvent-ils aujourd’hui, en toute conscience, interdire à l’une des nationalités constituantes de cet État de s’exprimer sur son statut politique? En s’en remettant aux cours plutôt qu’aux négociations, le PP de Mariano Rajoy fait aveu de faiblesse. Madrid sait bien que si, un jour, la population catalane s’exprime clairement en faveur de l’indépendance, le reste de l’Espagne ne pourra l’ignorer. Or, quoi qu’en dise le Tribunal constitutionnel, tôt ou tard, ce jour viendra.

Portugal: Lliçons de democràcia espanyola

O Reino Unido organiza um referendo, discute, sofre, para discutir a independência da Escócia. E o que faz a Espanha (ou melhor, Castela)? Proíbe um referendo. Não foi travada nenhuma guerra pela independência da Escócia nos últimos séculos. Já em relação à Catalunha a enumeração seria longa – sem contar que se Portugal se tornou independente em 1640, foi muito graças à então revolta catalã. A Escócia, porém, fala Inglês; a Catalunha, catalão. A Escócia não teve um império mediterrânico autónomo, do seu território propriamente dito às Ilhas Baleares até Nápoles. A Escócia teve uma dinastia (os Stuart) que se tornaram Reis de Inglaterra. Com isto nada diminuo os princípios da independência da Escócia. Só pergunto: a Escócia foi participante da identidade do Reino Unido. À Catalunha, foi isso permitido? Quantos presos políticos durante o Franquismo por falarem Catalão? E o Galego, na Galiza, que praticamente desapareceu?. O que mostra isto? O que mostra a rapidez desta decisão do Tribunal Constitucional, que numa questão de horas considera o referendo inconstitucional? A maravilhosa tradição democrática castelhana, o extraordinário respeito pela diferença dos povos que a constituem. Foi assim na América do Sul, é assim no seu próprio território. A ferro e fogo e proibição, a inquisição castelhana continua a marcar a sua lição de Democracia ao mundo.

Califòrnia: Deixeu votar als catalans

En última instància, si els catalans volen la independència, Espanya ha de proporcionar una ruta d’accés. Els escocesos van ser capaços de decidir la pregunta de la secessió per si mateixos, i els catalans han de tenir la mateixa oportunitat. Fins ara, l’estranger pot haver tingut la temptació de comparar el moviment a Catalunya amb el recent moviment secessionista d’Escòcia, on els votants han rebutjat la independència de Gran Bretanya. Però les dues situacions són notablement diferents. Els catalans tenen un matrimoni multisecular amb Espanya que mai ha estat feliç i du temps trencant-se. A més, el sistema polític britànic abraça plenament els escocesos, com ho demostra el fet que la Gran Bretanya ha tingut primers ministres escocesos en la història recent. L’últim primer ministre català d’Espanya va governar durant cinc setmanes el 1873. Però la principal diferència entre les dues situacions és que el vot a Escòcia tenia la benedicció del govern britànic i Madrid està lluitant desesperada contra la consulta no vinculant convocada, qualificant-la de il legal. A això s’afegeix una sensació general que la majoria dels espanyols, lluny d’apreciar els catalans per haver contribuït més que la seva part justa, realment els menyspreen i ridiculitzen. Els catalans se senten humiliats i estan furiosos, i es presenten en enormes masses a les manifestacions per la independència. La història ens ha ensenyat que els conflictes sobre nacionalisme s’escapen de control. Els successius governs espanyols no han estat mai capaços de reduir la tensió, sense tenir cap resposta al llarg de les dècades, si no segles. La intransigència de Madrid, als ulls de molts catalans, ofereix la prova concloentsque Espanya no és una democràcia en ple funcionament. El referèndum d’Escòcia serà recordat com un moment clau en la història europea. No perquè els escocesos han decidit en contra de la independència, sinó perquè els escocesos han decidirtper si mateixos, de manera democràtica i transparent. Els catalans -i la tradició democràtica liberal occidental no mereixen menys.

Mèxic: Espanya antidemocràtica com sempre

El gobierno que encabeza Mariano Rajoy cumplió ayer su amenaza de activar al Tribunal Constitucional en contra de la consulta. Con una rapidez que da cuenta de su supeditación al Ejecutivo, el tribunal admitió los recursos enviados por La Moncloa contra las disposiciones que fundamentarían el ejercicio democrático –la Ley de Consultas, aprobada por el parlamento catalán, y el decreto de la Generalitat que convoca al plebiscito sobre el futuro político de la aún comunidad autonómica– y ordenó un compás de espera de cinco meses, con lo que sienta las bases para una confrontación abierta entre Madrid y Barcelona. Más allá de la ya mencionada sumisión del Constitucional al gobierno de Rajoy, el fallo clausura las vías legales para el desarrollo del soberanismo catalán y deja a esa causa en el laberinto construido por la clase política madrileña para frustrar cualquier perspectiva de secesión catalana. Acaso sin proponérselo, el gobierno de Madrid ha puesto en evidencia el carácter antidemocrático de la Constitución vigente y del Estado español, y ha contrastado la intolerancia y la cerrazón propias con la muestra de civismo brindada hace unos días en Escocia, donde la sociedad pudo recurrir a las urnas sin cortapisas para decidir en ellas su independencia o su permanencia en el Reino Unido. Asimismo, La Moncloa exhibió su rostro autocrático y contrario a derechos colectivos básicos, como es el de los pueblos a la autodeterminación, y se colocó ante el repudio de una de las nacionalidades más dinámicas y sólidas de la península ibérica. No es una buena perspectiva para el gobierno español. Más grave aún, la relación institucional entre Madrid y Barcelona ha sido colocada en un callejón sin salida en el que todos pierden, tanto si el gobierno catalán sigue adelante con su decisión de realizar en rebeldía la consulta del 9 de noviembre, como si desiste, por el momento, de llevarla a cabo. El primer escenario conllevaría un abierto rompimiento entre el poder local y el nacional, y el segundo sería visto por el conjunto de los catalanes como una imposición autoritaria.


3 October 2014 - Posted by | News comment/Comentari al dia, Politics/Política | ,

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